The subgrouping of Karen languages more

The subgrouping of Karen Ken Manson Payap University & SIL International ken. grammar@gmail. com SEALS May 2011 Several classifications of Karen languages have been published (e.g. Jones 1961; Burling 1969; Kauffman 1993; Bradley 1997; Manson 2002; Shintani 2003). However they have all lacked in comprehensiveness and/or have not been based on the comparative method. Based on a database of over 130 language varieties, Karen languages are divided into at least 20 low level clusters based on shared phonological developments. Introduction Karen languages are unusual among Tibeto-Burma as being a distinct branch with no members of uncertain status. Internal relationships and reconstruction has been limited to either a few well known groups (normally the three largest groups: Sgaw, Pwo, and Pa'O, e.g. Haudricourt 1946, 1953; Jones 1961; Burling 1969) or only one aspect is compared (Manson 2002; Shintani 2003). This presentation, building on the lexical and phonological comparison of Manson (2002), considers tonal development, reflexes of proto-initials and proto- rhymes to identify higher-order subgroupings. Previous reconstructions of Karen include Haudricourt (1946, 1953), Jones (1961) and Burling (1969). The reconstruction by Haudricourt was based on the orthographies of two languages (Sgaw & Pwo). Jones & Burling's reconstructions are limited to four languages (Sgaw, Pwo, Pa'O & Palaychi) and are phonologically unmotivated with respect to tonal development. Overview of Karen languages Speakers of Karen languages are located primarily in eastern Burma from the southernmost tip of Burma to southern Shan State. There are also populations of Sgaw and Pwo in Thailand in the provinces along the western border with Burma. Bradley (1997:46) suggests a total population of 3.9 million, but notes that this is "substantially under enumerated". The total population of ethnic Karen is somewhere between 6 and 10 million; however, not all ethnic Karen still speak Karen languages. Many now speak only Burmese, especially those living on the plains. The actual number of Karen languages is unknown as there has never been a comprehensive survey of Karen. It would appear from the literature that there are between 20-30 Karen languages. Eighteen languages whose existence has been reasonably documented are shown in Figure 1, where they are listed in relative geographical position to each other. Karen languages found in the mountains of eastern Burma usually have numerous dialects, some often difficult to understand to other speakers of the same ethnicity (see Bennett 1991 for Kayah and Manson & Chou 2008 for Kayan). N. Pa'O Lahta Pwo Kayan E- Kayah Yinbaw W. Kayah Kayaw Yintale Gekho Bre Manu Geba Pwo Bwe Palaychi Sgaw Paku Dermuha Sgaw Pwo S. Pa'O Figure 1: Geographic distribution of Karen language clusters Karenic Northern Central/Bwe Eastern Western Southern Pa-0 (Taungthu) Padaung/Kayan ^™ Yingbaw/Ka-ngan \ Zayein/Latha Gekhu Kayah Manu Yintale Sgaw Mopwa/Palaychi Paku Wewaw Monnepwa Pho/Pwo/Phlong Lekhe Figure 2: Karen language relationships (Bradley 1997) Tonal development It is a well known fact that voiced initial consonants cause the syllable to be pronounced at a lower pitch than a voiceless initial. Most languages of Southeast Asia typically have a reduced first syllable, and where there have been phonological changes in the initial consonants, often pitch and/or phonation differences remain. From about the 10th-17thC there was a "Great Tone Split" that affected all the languages of the area (Weidert 1987). Karlgren (1915) was the first to deduce that the split in tones was conditioned by the initial consonant. Haudricourt (1961) (see Court (1972) for an English translation) expanded on Karlgren's work and showed that for all the language families of South-east Asia there was a split in the tones of the language. Usually there was a 2-way split, but in some languages there was a 3-way split, based on the manner of articulation of the syllable initial consonant. The development of tone in Karen can be traced back to a three-way distinction in open syllables (*A, *B, *B') plus closed syllables (*C). There were at least six steps in the development of modern-day tonal systems in Karen. No all Karen languages have undergone all the steps. 1. Initial proto-voiced consonants caused the following vowel to be pronounced with breathy phonation 2. This breathiness caused a lowering of the pitch (Thurgood 2002, 2006) 3. Proto-voiced stops became voiceless unaspirated 4. Proto-voiceless became voiced (or no change) 5. (Breathy phonation caused the initial consonant to be pronounced aspirated) 6. Breathy phonation lost, leaving only a tonal difference + pha3 > ba3/pa3 Figure 3: The development of tone and initial consonant 3 Karen Tone Box Manson (2009) proposed a Tone Box for Karen languages in a similar vein to the Gedney Tone Box for Tai languages (Gedney 1972): T3 U •i-H Oh CO O sh ft Jin U o > o sh ft T3 0) U o > o sh ft 1 (HI) Water Branch Flower Chicken Sleep Die [HH] [*phaij] [*p>b] [*shan] [*mi] [*&] 2(H) Silver Ginger Rabbit Navel Spear White [*ron] [*°?eij] [*te] [*pan] [*pwa] 3(1) Nest Tongue Person Name Drunk Red [*bwe] [*ble] [*bra] [*min] [*muri] [*le] B 4 (VI) Star [*sha] Leaf [*la] Fingernail [*mi] Fire [*me] Give [*phe] Bitter [*kha] 5 (Via) Egg [*ti] Cheek [*pu] Liver [*sin] Eat [*?am] Left [*se] Be at, exist 7(Va) Bone Child Right Spicy Take Pus B' [*fcVi] [*pho] [*tVe] [*/l£] [*pV/ni] 8(V) Paddy BlowAowl [*?u] Head [*fcZo] Hand [*su] Breathe [*sd] Many [*?a] 6 (IV) Sun [*/nr] Stone [*loij] Snake [*ru] Arrow [*bla] Old [humans] [*bra] Hot_[*go] 10 (VIII) Sky [*mo?] Iron [*tha?] Pig l*th7\ Skin/bark [*phe?] Shoot [v] [*kha?] Dark [*khe?/khi?] 11 (Villa) Alcohol [*si?] Wing [*te?] Heart [*sa?] Call/shout [*ka?] Near [*po?] 12 (VII) Monkey [*zo?] Eye/face [*me?] Brain [*no?] Intestines [*bre?] Rib [*rr?] Deep_ Table 1: Karen Tone Box (Manson 2009) The words in each cell have been retained in all/most modern-day Karen languages. The phonological elements in square brackets in Table 1 are my reconstructed form for the lexical item; however there will be some variation in manner of articulation depending on the language variety under investigation, yet the position of articulation should not change. Luce's (1985) tone patterns (Roman numerals in brackets) are included. Tone patterns Taking the Karen Tone Box and applying it to Karen language varieties shows a number of striking patterns (Table 2): • the top two rows prototone *B' merged with prototone *C • all languages except Pwo had a 2-way split1 • breathy phonation is associated with protovoiced initial consonants • closed syllables with non-voiced initials are either high (5) or mid (3) tone 1 Palaychi also had a 3-way split, but has yet to be included in the analysis. 4 o 1 J J o 1 3 J 4 1 2 Kayaw 4 3 5 5 4 3 5 5 1 1 3 Yintale 5 2 5 3 5 2 5 3 3 1 1 Sgaw T-o 1 J J T-o 1 3 J 2 3 5 Kayan 5 1 5 5 5 1 5 5 1 3 5 Yinbaw 2 4 2 3 2 4 2 3 1 5 1 Pa'O T-o J J J T-o 3 3 J 3 3 1 Bwe-Geba 5 2 5 5 5 2 5 5 3 2 3 Paku 2 5 5 3 1 5 5 3 1 3 4 Pwo J 1 T-O T-O J 1 5 O 1 4 3 Kayah 1 5 5 5 1 5 5 5 1 3 4 Manu Table 2: Tone Boxes for Karen languages Taking Kauffman's (1993:45-55) proposal for the development of tone in "Central" Karen as a starting point I proposed a possible scenario for the development of tone in Karen languages (Manson 2009). This proposal has been revised and expanded (see Supplement 1: The development of tone in Karen languages). The development in tone cannot be separated from the development of consonants. The four high-level clusters (Peripheral; Northern; Central; Southern) each share significant consonant developments that align with tonal development. 5 Proto-Karen initial consonants and clusters Proto initial consonants are fairly well preserved throughout Karen languages. The main variation in reflexes is found in proto initial consonant clusters, especially for Cr clusters. Consider bilabial initials: *ph *P *b *phl *pl *bl *phr *pr *br Manu Ph f b f phl tr 1 Pi tr1 pl ? Ph f Dl' fj Kayaw Ph f b f Pi tr1 Pi tr1 pl ? Dr f^ or tr1 Yinbaw Ph f b f Phl bl pl Dhr f 1 Dr tr1 or tr1 Pwo Ph f 6 Ph f Phl bl phl f x Phl f x Dl' fj Dl' fj Pa'O Dh f b Ph tr nhr tr 1 nhr f 1 Dhr/nl f a/ f1 nhr f ^ nhr f 1 Dhr f 1 Kayan Ph f b f Phl Pi fx Pl tr1 Dhr f * Dr f^ or tr1 Lahta f b n tr Pi f1 ? ? d1 f1 d1 f1 Paku (L) Ph f 6 d Phl f 1 61 pl PhY f S 6 bR Ssaw Ph f b d Phl f 1 bl pl PhY f S bv DV f s Yintale Ph f b D tr Phl f 1 pl pl ? DW f vv Dl' fj Palaychi Ph f b d tr Phl f 1 bl pl ? f v 5 Dermuha Ph f 6 d tr Phl f x ? 61 Phl f x f f Geker Ph f 6 d tr ? 61 pl Dhr f * or f* or tr1 Gekho Ph tr b b ? bl bl pr fa br br E Kayah Ph b P Pi ? pl phr phr phr W Kayah Ph b P Pi pl pl pr pr pr Bwe Ph 6 b Phl pl pl pw P bj Geba Ph b P Phl pl pl pl P pl Paku Ph 6 P Phl 61 PY PhY P(Y) bj Table 3: Reflexes of proto-bilabial initial consonants The pronunciation of consonant clusters in Karen languages ranges from co-articulation to the clear insertion of an epithetic schwa. For example the word for 'sea, river' is pdle in Pwo and pie in Kayan. 6 Proto-rhymes Vowels show the greatest variation in Karen languages and even within a language there can be divergent dialects which look more like another Karen language. In many Karen languages, especially from the southern region, the simple vowel rhymes have not changed. Nasal final rhymes are key to identifying historical developments within Karen. For example, Sgaw, Palaychi and Paku have merged *am, *an2, and *aij to o. Geker and Gekho show this change only for *aij, Geker and Gekho *am is denasalised and fronted, a pattern seen also in Kayah, Bwe and Geba. *aij in Manu and Kayaw has merged with *a? and then denasalised and backed to o. *a *a? *arj *am Manu a 3 3 a Kayaw a 3 3 a Pwo a a? a a Pa'O a a? arj am Kayan a a aN aN Vintn1<=> X UlLctlC d d dlN dlN Lahta a a aN/a aN/e Yinbaw a a a a Paku (L) a a 3 3 Sgaw a a 3 3 Palaychi a a 3 3 Dermuha a a o o Geker a a 3 Gekho a a 3 ei E Kayah e e —6— e W Kayah ja e Bwe £ a a £ Geba a a Paku i/e a a a Table 4: Reflexes of selected proto-rhymes Proto-Karen had lost its distinction between syllable final stops /p, t, k/ at the time Proto-Karen speakers came into contact with Mon-Khmer. Only Pa'O has syllable final consonants, and they only occur in apparent loans from Mon-Khmer, see Luce (1985 Charts E-J, especially Chart E 'Austric connections'). Further Southern 2 *an is not a strongly supoorted reconstruction for Proto-Karen. 7 Pa'O and Northern Pa'O often show variable final consonants: 'spicy' S.Pa'O hap5, N.Pa'O hat5; 'weather' S.Pa'O khan5, N.Pa'O kham5; 'slow' S.Pa'O jm?5, N.Pa'O ?ik5. Synthesis Creating a classification of Karen based on shared innovations, rather than shared retentions has been done emphasising rhyme development over consonant changes or tonal splits. Figure 4: The Classification of Karen languages Each branch has been labelled based on geographic location. The Peripheral branch (Pa'O and Pwo) are found to the north, east and south of the Karen languages. This branch is identified by proto voiced stop initials appearing as aspirated stops (e.g. *p > ph). The Northern branch (Kayan, Lahta, Yinbaw and Yintale) are identified by the merging of nasal finals (e.g. *am, *an > on) and the merging of stop final rhymes with the open rhyme equivalent (e.g. *a?, *a > a). The Central Karen languages (Kayah, Bwe, Geba) are identified by vowel raising (e.g. *a > c). In the Southern branch (Sgaw, Luce's Paku, Palaychi, Dermuha) nasal final rhymes have merged and the rhyme has then been raised (e.g. *am, *aij > o). The final two clusters show developments found in both the Southern and Central branches and so are tentatively associated with both until more thorough research can be done. Geker and Gekho both show *aij > o and *am > c. Kayaw and Manu form a cluster based on the merging of velar consonant final rhymes (e.g. *a?, *aij > o) and bilabial consonant final rhymes merging with the simple rhyme (e.g. *am > a). 8 Bibliography Bennett, J. Fraser. 1991. Two more Kayah Li dialects: A comparison of do ta ma and do shbpia dialects with Western and Eastern Kayah. presented at 24th ICSTLL, Bangkok Bradley, David. 1997. Tibeto-Burman languages and classification. Papers in Southeast Asian linguistics 14. ed. David Bradley 1-71. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics Burling, Robbins. 1969. Proto-Karen: A reanalysis. Occasional Papers of the Wolfenden Society on Tibeto-Burman Linguistics 1 Court, Christopher [trans]. 1972. Two-way and three-way splitting of tonal systems in some Far-Eastern languages. Tai phonetics and phonology, eds. Jimmy G. Harris and Richard B. Noss, 58-86. Bangkok: Mahidol University. [Translation and expansion of Haudricourt 1961] Gedney, William J. 1972. A checklist for determining tones in Tai dialects. In Studies in linguistics in honor of George L. Trager. ed. M. Estellie Smith, 423-437. The Hague: Mouton Haudricourt, Andre-Georges. 1946. Restitution du Karen commun. Bulletin de la Societe de Linguistique de Paris 42:103- 111. Haudricourt, Andre-Georges. 1953. A propos de la restitution du Karen commun. Bulletin de la Societe de Linguistique de Paris 49:129-132. Haudricourt, Andre-Georges. 1961. Bipartition et tripartition des systemes de tons dans quelques langues d'extreme- orient. Bulletin de la Societe de Linguistique de Paris 56.1:163-180 Haudricourt, Andre-Georges. 1975. Le systeme de tons du Karen commun. Bulletin de la Societe de Linguistique de Paris 70:339-343. Jones, Robert B. 1961. Karen linguistic studies: Description, comparison and texts. Berkeley: University of California Press. Karlgren, Bernhard. 1915. Etudes sur laphonologie chinoise. Archives d'Etudes Orientales. Kauffman, William. 1993. The great tone split and Central Karen, University of North Dakota: MA. Luce, Gordon H. 1959. Introduction to the comparative study of Karen languages. Journal of the Burma Research Society 42:32-51. Luce, Gordon H. 1985. Phases ofPre-Pagan Burma: Languages and history. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Manson, Ken. 2002. Karen language relationships: A lexical and phonological analysis. Chiang Mai: Dept of Linguistics, Payap University. Manson, Ken. 2009. A prolegomena to reconstructing Proto-Karen. La Trobe Working Papers in Linguistics 12. Manson, Ken. 2011a. Karen tone boxes. Karen Linguistic Discussion Group, Research paper 1. Chiang Mai: Dept of Linguistics, Payap University Manson, Ken. 2011b. Proto-Karen bilabials. Karen Linguistic Discussion Group, Research paper 2. Chiang Mai: Dept of Linguistics, Payap University Manson, Ken. 2011c. Proto-Karen velars. Karen Linguistic Discussion Group, Research paper 3. Chiang Mai: Dept of Linguistics, Payap University Manson, Ken. 2011c. Proto-Karen vowels. Karen Linguistic Discussion Group, Research paper 9. Chiang Mai: Dept of Linguistics, Payap University Manson, Ken & Grace Chou. 2008. A survey ofKayan. ms. Shintani, Tadahiko. 2003. Classification of Brakaloungic (Karenic) languages, in relation to their tonal evolution. Proceedings of the symposium Cross-linguistic studies of tonal phenomena: Historical development, phonetics of tone, and descriptive studies, ed. Shigeki Kaji, 37-54. Tokyo: Tokyo University of Foreign Studies. Solnit, David. 2001. Another look at Proto-Karen. Presented at 34th ICSTLL, Kunming Thurgood, Graham. 2002. Vietnamese and tonogenesis: Revising the model and the analysis. Diachronica 19:333-363. Thurgood, Graham. 2006. Tonogenesis revisited: Revising the model and the analysis. Ms Weidert, Alfons K. 1987. Tibeto-Burman tonology: A comparative account. Amsterdam: John Benjamins 9 Supplement 1 The development of tone in Karen languages No change A B B' C 5 1 3 ?3 Proto-Karen B'-A merge A-B flip Kayaw No change 5 1 3 ?3 5 1 5 ?3 Proto Sgaw 1 3 5 1 5 ?3 5 1 5 ?3 4 1 ?2 Proto Sgaw 1 5 3 ?3 Proto Pa'O-Pwo THE GREAT TONE SPLIT B'-C (? merge ->0) 1 5 3 ?3 1 5 3 ?3 1 4 ?2 Proto Pa'O-Pwo 2 5 Kayan Bwe / Geba Kayah Yintale Yinbaw Paku Manu Sgaw Pa'O Pwo 2>1 1, 1, 4 >3 4>1 Push chain 1 >3; 3 >5; 5>4 3>5 Push chain 4 -> 1; 1 -> 3; 2->5 3>5 4-2 merge B-C merge Push chain H > L; L -> M; M > H B'-A merge Loss of breathiness B'-A merge Loss of breathiness B-B' merge Loss of breathiness Missing: Geker Gekho Palaychi Dermuha Bre Gloss Proto Initial Proto Rhyme Tone Box Kayan Pekon (M) Padaung (S) Padaung (K) Padaung (B) Yinbaw, N (Km) Yeinbaw (B) Lahta, KW (M) Latha (MD) Geko (Km) Geker (LB) PaO, N (B) PaO, S (B) PaO (J) Pa-O (L) Yintale (B) Yintale, WA (MD) Kayaw (B) Kayaw, S (MD) Kayaw, H (MD) *a moon work bitter leal il *m *kh ni a a a a 2 3 4 /i 4 la ma1 kha53 1a53 la la 31 ma kha31 lar la 31 ma k^?1 1a1?1 lar la ma1 kV la la ma2 kha?31 1a31 la la mu2 kV la la ma ho 10 1o4 la mo1 la 1o4 la 31 ma kha31 1q45 la ion lau mi3 kha?31 lar la ma2 kha34 1q45 la lo21 la ma2 kha34 1q4 la la ma3 kha5 la5 la 1o2 la ma1 kha5 la lo3 la ma1 kha3 1q3 la la ma1 kV 1q3 la lo5 la ma1 khax la 1o4 la ma1 kV la 1o4 la 4 ma kV la *am bear earth eat *th *hl ♦■p am am am i 4 5 than5 han53 an53 tharj5 harj31 an31 thaui31 ha2 am1 thaui4 haut1 am1 tau3 harj31 3 an thau5 ha1 a2 than 0 than4 han1 an1 thei4 ei31 theU he2 e?53 tham52 ham45 34 am tho?5 ham34 34 am t^m1 ham5 ?am5 tham2 ham5 am5 tV ha3 a3 tharj51 harj3 an3 tha5 ha1 e1 tV ha4 a1 tha4 ha3 a1 *arj yellow spear leg dream *p *p *kh *m an an an an 2 2 4 6 ban5 ban5 khan53 man3 ban5 ban5 ka3 baui31 baui31 ka5 maui5 bum4 bum4 ka3 maui1 ba35 gar)2 35 ma ba1 ba2 kV ma5 ban pan mon ban3 kW man4 bo45 ba5 kha31 31 mau 6o5 6o4 ko mo?53 barj52 kharj34 52 marj barj21 kharj34 45 marj barj3 barj1 kharj5 53 man barj2 kharj5 53 marj ba3 kha3 ma1 bar,15 barj5 khax ma1 bo5 bo5 khox mo1 bo4 bo4 kV mo1 bo4 bo4 kV mo1 *a? son-in-law iron sew m th s a? a? a? 12 10 10 ma5 tV sV tha5 ma3 tV?1 cha?5 ma tha2 sV ma3 tha?3 sha3 ma5 tha?5 fa5 ma tho sho ma1 tV s^1 31 ma tha?3 sha35 ma3 tha?53 sha?53 ma?53 ma?45 s^?1 ma?1 tha?5 cha?5 ma?31 cha?35 tha5 sha3 ma1 tha5 sha5 mo3 tho3 fo53 mo3 tho3 §°3 mo3 tho3 Jo3 LANGUAGE CLUSTER: Kayan Yinbaw Lahta Pa'O Yintale Kayaw *ph *p *b flower bamboo shoot pot *ph *p *b 0 an 3D 1 5 3 phau5 ban53 ppn1 phaw5 bar,31 po31 phsu31 baui?1 31 pour pho4 baui1 puui1 pV bo3 ba31 pV ba1 pu1 fo borj pan pho5 ban4 poun5 pV bo31 bo31 pV 6o?53 P3UI3 barj3 phYT)2 ban34 phAil21 pV barj5 vW ba3 barj3 3 pv pho5 bo1 4 pur pho5 bo1 3 pv pho5 bo1 3 po *pr *br vomit human *pr *br 0? a 11 3 prau1 pra1 4 pro pra1 31 prau 31 pra prau2 pra1 prau3 phra3 45 prau pra5 po plo3 pla1 brau?3 bra434 pr30?5 pra3 phro?12 phro?5 phra3 phro?35 phrax phro5 Pla1 pwo5 pjar,1 pro3 4 pro pra3 pro3 pra3 *bl tongue arrow *bl *bl e a 3 6 Pie1 pla3 play1 pla1 plei31 pla531 plei1 pla2 blei2 bla3 Pl.e1 pla2 pi po ph3 pla1 blei31 bla45 plei3 pla1 phre2 pla34 phre2 pla34 phre3 pla5 phre1 pla5 P.li1 pla3 pli3 pla1 plei4 Pla1 P.li3 Pl.a1 pie3 pla1 Supporting data for Manson (2011) The subgrouping of Karen, presented at SEALS 21, Bangkok 1 Gloss Monu, D (MD) Manu (B) Kayah, W (B) Kayah, E (B) Kayah, E (S) Kayah, W (Br) Kayah, K (MD) Pwo, T (L) Pwo, D (L) Pho, M (J) Pho, B (J) Pwo, O Pwo, SP Pwo, RM Pwo, NR Pwo, TA Pwo, E (Kt) Pwo, W (Kt) moon la la le 1a3 le 1a3 le 1^3 le 1^3 le la 1o53 la lo3 la lo5 la lo31 la lo31 la 1^3 le lo3 la 1^3 le lol la lo5 la work i ma i ma i me 1 me 1 me 1 me 1 ma 53 ma ■x ma ma 31 ma 31 ma ■x me ■x ma ■x mas 1 ma 5 ma *a bitter 1 h 5 k a 1 h~4 k a 1 h 1 k £ 1 h 1 re 1 h 1 re 1 h 1 re 1 h 1 re 1 h 5 k a 1 h 31 ra kar 1 h 1 ra 1 h 45 ra 1 h 45 ra 1 h 3 k 3S 1 h 1 k a 1 h 3 k e 1 h 5 k a 1 h 1 k a leal la la le lo1 le lo1 le le le lo5 la 1q31 la lo1)5 la 1 la 1q45 la 1q45 la le la le lo5 la la bear tV tV tV the3 the3 the3 tV tha2 tha31 rW rW tV1 *am earth ha5 ha5 he1 he1 he1 he1 he1 Ra5 Ra31 yan?5 yan1 31 yan yo3 ha1 ya3 yaN5 yaN1 eat a5 a4 e1 e1 ?ex e1 e1 a5 a31 ?an?5 ?anx 7o45 W5 ?b3 ?a3 ?a3 ?aN5 ?aNx yellow boo1 bo1 bja3 be3 be3 bja3 bja3 ban3 ban5 6b31 6an31 bo3 tfc3 ba3 baN1 6aN5 *an spear bo1 bo1 bja3 be3 bja3 bja3 pV pha53 phan3 phan5 pV1 ph3n31 b?3 phsn phsn3 phaN1 phaN5 leg kV kV kha3 khe5 kV kha3 kV kha5 kha31 khan?5 kW kV5 kh3n45 kV kV kha3 khaN5 rW dream mo3 • 45 mja me1 me?2 mja4 mja5 ~31 ma ma5 man5 man?5 mo3 31 man mo3 mo1 rrfe3 mo3 maN51 son-in-law mo1 mp3 ma3 ma?5 me3 me3 ma?53 ma?5 ma?3 ma?1 ma?3 ma?3 ma?3 mas?3 ma?3 ma5 ma?3 *a? iron tV tho3 tV tV the5 the4 the5 tha?x tha?x tha?31 tha?31 tha?3 tha3 tha?3 tV tha?3 sew §°5 JV she3 tCV cV she4 she5 sha?35 sha?5 sV?1 s^?1 tfa?31 tfa31 gha3 gha3 gha3 cV sha?3 language cluster: Monu Kayah Pwo *ph flower pV pW pho3 pho3 pho3 pho3 pho2 phau31 pW phon1 pho51 pho51 pV pho5 pho5 pho51 pW *p bamboo shoot bo5 bo3 bja1 be1 be1 bja1 bja1 6a5 6a31 6b3 Bar,45 bo3 bo3 ba3 *b pot po1 po1 P?1 po1 P? po1 pV pV3 phsn3 phsn5 pV1 phin31 .3 pr pha3 pha3 ph3N1 pV *pr vomit po5 pVus3 prja5 phre5 phre5 prja prj.a4 pju?35 pju?5 pju?31 pju?31 Rjo3 Rju1 pju3 Rjo1 pjo? *br human 3- 1 P? .1? pre1 p^e1 phre1 pre3 pre1 hs1 pa35 ya3 Pie3 *bl tongue pie1 Pie1 pli1 pli1 pli1 P.li1 pli1 p^e1 phle53 phle3 phle5 phli31 phli31 Pie3 phli5 phli3 pV phle5 arrow pla1 pla3 pi?45 Pig1 pie?2 Pie3 p!?4 phla31 phla5 phla5 phla?5 plee1 phla3 phla3 phla51 Supporting data for Manson (2011) The subgrouping of Karen, presented at SEALS 21, Bangkok 2 Gloss Sgaw (L) Sgaw, M (J) Sgaw, B (J) Paku (L) Paku (Km) Paku, K Paku, S Dermuha (V) Palachi (LB) Palaychi (J) Bwe, W (L) Bwe (B) Bwe, B (H) Bwe, DE (LB) Bwe, DW (LB) Geba (L) Geba 1 (B) Geba 2 (B) Geba, KP (Km) moon la la lo5 la lo5 la 1 o03 lax 11 lex la la la le te le te le nie nie le nler work 35 ma ■x ma ■x ma 53 ma 35 ma .? mi 2 me ■x ma ma 5 ma 53 me ■x me ■x me ■x me o53 me? 53 me me ■x me me *a bitter 1 h 31 k a kar 1 h 1 k a 1 h 35 k a 1 o35 kar 1 h o53 or 1 h 2 k e 1 h 5 k a 1 h o53 kar 1 h 5 k a 1 h 53 k e 1 h 3 re 1 h 3 k e 1 h o53 or 1 h 2 k e 1 h 53 ke 1 h 43 ke 1 h 3 ke 1 h ke leal 1a31 la la1)5 la i la 1a35 la 1q45 la Hi lei la 1q4 la la le 1o3 le 1o3 le 1o3 le nie x£ le lei bear tV tho^ tho^ tha35 tha?53 tho5 tho?53 tV the5 the5 the5 the31 reU tV the45 the5 re *am earth ho31 yo?5 ho1 ho35 hau3 ha?53 ha?53 ho5 xo2 ho5 ha53 ha3 ha3 ha1 ho1 ha53 ha3 ha3 ha eat o31 o?5 o1 o35 o?3 a?53 a?53 o5 o2 ?ox a53 a3 a3 a?53 a?53 a53 a3 a3 a? yellow - bo5 bo5 - bo3 6o3 6o?53 bo1 ba5 6a3 6a5 6a5 ba5 ba5 ba spear 6o5 bo5 bo5 6a?53 6a?53 bo?53 bo1 6a5 ba5 6a5 6a?53 6a5 ba5 ba45 ba5 ba? *an leg kho31 kh0>5 khH kho35 kha3 kha?53 kha?53 kho5 kho?53 kho5 kha53 kha3 kha3 kha2 kha?53 kha53 kha3 kha3 kha dream mo2 m0 moQ 35 mo 35 mo ma3 4 ma mo5 4 mo mo5 53 ma ma3 ma3 ma1 ma?53 hma53 hma3 ma3 me son-in-law ma?1 ma?1 ma?1 53 ma 35 ma 31 ma ma?53 ma1 ma5 35 ma ma3 ma1 ma?53 ma51 35 ma ma3 ma3 ma *a? iron tha?3 tha?3 tha35 tha4 thi?53 tV tha?53 tV tha3 tha?53 tha?53 tha3 tha3 tha sew sha?53 sha?3 sha?3 sha5 sha31 tje4 tje4 sV sha2 sV Ja53 fJa3 Ja3 sJa?53 sJa?53 sha35 fa3 sha3 sha LANGUAGE CLUSTER: Sg aw Paku Mopwa Bwe Geba *ph flower pho5 pho5 pho5 pV fV1 pV pho2 pV pV pV pho5 pho5 pho5 pV pho5 PV pho3 pho5 pho *p bamboo shoot 6o31 6o35 bo31 6a?53 6a?53 6o5 6o?53 6a53 ba3 6a3 6a?53 6a?53 6a53 ba3 ba3 ba? *b pot po35 po5 53 P03 pV5 po31 3 pa pV po?53 p.i5 bo5 3 PP bo5 bo?53 bo?53 bo53 3 PP phce3 po *pr vomit 6ro?53 6u5 bo31 pyo4 po?53 3 pu po?53 po53 3 po 3 po po5 po?53 po53 3 po po5 po *br human 35 pRa pya3 pya3 bRa53 pja3 pja3 3 pa plo?53 bwe53 pwe3 boya3 •3- 1 Pi J a bja1 bwe53 pwe1 Pi.a1 bja *bl tongue pie35 pie3 pie3 ble53 pli3 pye?53 pye3 phli3 pli3 Pie5 bh35 Pie3 bh1 pli?31 pie?53 bli53 P!.e3 Pie3 ble arrow pla2 pla1 pla1 pla35 bla3 Pla1 pye3 phla?5 pla?53 Pla1 ble53 Pie1 ble3 pie?53 pie?53 ble53 P!.e3 pli3 Supporting data for Manson (2011) The subgrouping of Karen, presented at SEALS 21, Bangkok 3 Karen language sources Bwe (B): Bennett, J. Fraser. 1991. Field notes Bwe, B (H): Henderson, Eugenie J. A. 1997. Bwe Karen dictionary: with texts and English-Karen word list. London: School of Oriental and African Studies Bwe, DE (LB): Saw Lar Baa. 2001. The phonological basis of a Northwest Karenic orthography. Payap University: MA Thesis Bwe, DW (LB): Saw Lar Baa. 2001. The phonological basis of a Northwest Karenic orthography. Payap University: MA Thesis Bwe, W (L): Luce, Gordon H. 1985. Phases ofpre-Pagan Burma: Languages and history. Oxford: Oxford University Press Dermuha (V): Naw Veronica. 2011. The phonology ofDerhuma and a phonological and lexical comparison between Dermuha, Sgaw Karen and Pwo Karen. Payap University: MA thesis Geba (L): Luce, Gordon H. 1985. Phases ofpre-Pagan Burma: Languages and history. Oxford: Oxford University Press Geba 1 (B): Bennett, J. Fraser. 1991. Field notes Geba 2 (B): Bennett, J. Fraser. 1991. Field notes Geba, KP (Km): Kim, Seung. Field notes Geker (LB): Saw Lar Baa. 2001. The phonological basis of a Northwest Karenic orthography. Payap University: MA Thesis Geko (Km): Kim, Seung. Field notes Kayah, E (B): Bennett, J. Fraser. 1991. Field notes Kayah, E (S): Solnit, David B. 1997. Eastern Kayah Li: Grammar, texts, glossary. Hawaii: U Hawaii Press Kayah, K (MD): Myar Doo Myar Reh. 2004. A phonological comparison of selected Karenic language varieties of Kayah State. Payap University: MA Thesis Kayah, W (B): Bennett, J. Fraser. 1991. Field notes Kayah, W (Br): Bryant, John R. 1996. Notes on Western Kayah Li (Western Red Karen) phonology. Payap University Working Papers in Linguistics 1:66-104 Kayan Pekon (M): Manson, Ken. 2011. A Kayan-English dictionary, ms Kayaw (B): Bennett, J. Fraser. 1991. Field notes Kayaw, H (MD): Myar Doo Myar Reh. 2004. A phonological comparison of selected Karenic language varieties of Kayah State. Payap University: MA Thesis Kayaw, S (MD): Myar Doo Myar Reh. 2004. A phonological comparison of selected Karenic language varieties of Kayah State. Payap University: MA Thesis Lahta, KW (M): Manson, Ken. 2010. Field notes Latha (Lim): Lim, Mija. 2003. Field notes Latha (MD): Myar Doo Myar Reh. 2004. A phonological comparison of selected Karenic language varieties of Kayah State. Payap University: MA Thesis Manu (B): Bennett, J. Fraser. 1991. Field notes Monu, D (MD): Myar Doo Myar Reh. 2004. A phonological comparison of selected Karenic language varieties of Kayah State. Payap University: MA Thesis Padaung (B): Bennett, J. Fraser. 1991. Field notes Padaung (K): Kauffman, William G. 1993. The great tone split and Central Karen. University of North Dakota: MA Thesis Padaung (S): Sarinya Khammuang. 1998. The phonological study of Padaung (Long-Necked Karen) atBanNaisoi, TambolPang Mu, Muang district, Mae Hong Son province. Mahidol: MA Thesis Paku (Km): Kim, Seung. Field notes Paku (L): Luce, Gordon H. 1985. Phases ofpre-Pagan Burma: Languages and history. Oxford: Oxford University Press Paku, K: Saw Lar Baa. 2001. The phonological basis of a Northwest Karenic orthography. Payap University: MA Thesis Paku, S: Saw Lar Baa. 2001. The phonological basis of a Northwest Karenic orthography. Payap University: MA Thesis Palachi (LB): Saw Lar Baa. 2001. The phonological basis of a Northwest Karenic orthography. Payap University: MA Thesis Palaychi (J): Jones, Robert B. 1961. Karen linguistic studies: Description, comparison and texts. Berkeley: University of California Press PaO (J): Jones, Robert B. 1961. Karen linguistic studies: Description, comparison and texts. Berkeley: University of California Press Pa-O (L): Luce, Gordon H. 1985. Phases ofpre-Pagan Burma: Languages and history. Oxford: Oxford University Press PaO, N (B): Bennett, J. Fraser. 1991. Field notes PaO, S (B): Bennett, J. Fraser. 1991. Field notes Pho, B (J): Jones, Robert B. 1961. Karen linguistic studies: Description, comparison and texts. Berkeley: University of California Press Pho, M (J): Jones, Robert B. 1961. Karen linguistic studies: Description, comparison and texts. Berkeley: University of California Press Pwo, D (L): Luce, Gordon H. 1985. Phases ofpre-Pagan Burma: Languages and history. Oxford: Oxford University Press Pwo, E (Kt): Kato, Atsuhiko. 2009 A basic vocabulary of Htoklibang Pwo Karen with Hpa-an, Kyonbyaw, and Proto-Pwo Karen forms. Asian and African Languages and Linguistics 4:169-218 Pwo, NR: Culy, Martin M. 1993. A preliminary investigation of the Pwo Karen dialects of Northern Thailand. Chiang Mai: Payap University, PRDI Report 118 Pwo, O: Phillips, Audra. 1996. Dialect comparison among the Pwo Karen of Central Thailand, Report II. Bangkok: TU-SIL- LRDP Pwo, RM: Culy, Martin M. 1993. A preliminary investigation of the Pwo Karen dialects of Northern Thailand. Chiang Mai: Payap University, PRDI Report 118 Pwo, SP: Phillips, Audra. 1996. Dialect comparison among the Pwo Karen of Central Thailand, Report II. Bangkok: TU-SIL- LRDP Pwo, T (L): Luce, Gordon H. 1985. Phases ofpre-Pagan Burma: Languages and history. Oxford: Oxford University Press Pwo, TA: Culy, Martin M. 1993. A preliminary investigation of the Pwo Karen dialects of Northern Thailand. Chiang Mai: Payap University, PRDI Report 118 Pwo, W (Kt): Kato, Atsuhiko. 2009 A basic vocabulary of Htoklibang Pwo Karen with Hpa-an, Kyonbyaw, and Proto-Pwo Karen forms. Asian and African Languages and Linguistics 4:169-218 Sgaw (L): Luce, Gordon H. 1985. Phases ofpre-Pagan Burma: Languages and history. Oxford: Oxford University Press Sgaw, B (J): Jones, Robert B. 1961. Karen linguistic studies: Description, comparison and texts. Berkeley: University of California Press Sgaw, M (J): Jones, Robert B. 1961. Karen linguistic studies: Description, comparison and texts. Berkeley: University of California Press Yeinbaw (B): Bennett, J. Fraser. 1991. Field notes Yinbaw, N (Km): Kim, Seung. Field notes Yintale (B): Bennett, J. Fraser. 1991. Field notes Yintale, WA (MD): Myar Doo Myar Reh. 2004. A phonological comparison of selected Karenic language varieties of Kayah State. Payap University: MA Thesis